Tuesday 24 April 2012

Househunting

I share this short paper I recently wrote as part of my studies at the University of Utrecht for the benefit of those who might be interested in the role of houses in the period of the apostolic church. This is just an initial exploration of a subject that interest me because I have heard many claims about the early Christian 'house churches', but have a feeling that much of it reads back into the New Testament our own concepts of space and family.


Exploring the role of houses in understanding early Christian literature

Type the term 'temple' in the search engine of the Utrecht university library and you immediately find several articles in the field of Biblical studies. The same applies to synagogue. When you type 'house' however, the first results refer to the American journal for architecture or the Burlington magazine for connoisseurs.  Perhaps this typifies some of the problems when looking at the spatial influence of houses in the texts of the New Testament. In the minds of the authors of the New Testament there was only one temple that mattered. Several of them indicate a familiarity with synagogues, though their relation to these synagogue often seem strained (Joh. 9:22, Rev. 2:9). Houses however are mentioned, not as some great architectural achievements, neither as centres of religious or ethnic identity. Houses are just houses. Or are they?

In one of the more recent discussions of the role of the house church in the Early Church, Roger Gehring remarks that though Christians met almost exclusively in private houses built for domestic use for the first three hundred years, little attention has been paid to the role of households or house churches.[1] In this paper I want to explore the significance of houses for a better understanding of early Christian literature, especially in the book of Acts.

Oἶκος and οἰκία
Though there is a difference of opinion on the exact distinctions between οἶκος and οἰκία, Gehring follows Klauck in rather determining the exact meaning of the words from the context instead of assuming οἶκος to refer to the architectural and οἰκία to the sociological meaning. Oἶκος and οἰκία could thus refer to (a) a house in the sense of living quarters, an inhabited building or (b) an extended family, though the concept of family would still be quite different from the modern sense.[2] Perhaps the ambiguity of the term show the close connection between the space and its social implications which would at least in part explain the significance of the place of the house in early Christian literature. 

Significance
Filson listed five areas  in which a study of house churches could further an understanding of the apostolic church: (1) a distinctively Christian worship, (2) the great amount of attention paid to family life, (3) a tendency to party strife, (4) the social status of early Christians and (5) the development of church polity.[3] To a certain degree all of these, except perhaps the third point touch on the passage from Acts 20:7-12 which I would like to examine in my next paper.  

Several attempts have been made to explain the origin of the early house churches in terms of different models present in the ancient world. Gehring follows White in ascribing the overlap in comparisons of early house churches with the models of philosophical schools, associations, synagogues and household not so much to early Christianity's dependence on either of these, but rather because their organizational schemes overlap in the use of private, often domestic settings and their dependence on patronage.[4]

Gehring rejects the notion that the prominent references to houses in the gospels purely reflect the Post-Easter interests of the early church. Convincingly he argues that the historical Jesus used houses, especially that of Peter in Capernaum, as bases for his itinerant mission to surrounding villages and instructed his disciples to apply a similar model. Gehring envisions groups that would not be too large. They would have to be accommodated in houses of which the living rooms would mostly be about five meters square if one would follow indications in rabbinical writings (m.Ber. 8:12c; 3:6d; Gen. Rab. 31:11) and archaeological evidence which also show courtyards as an integral part of most houses.[5]  Characteristic of the Jesus movement are people giving up their house, both those who do so to as itinerant preachers as well as those who provide housing for the new groups of believers, creating a new spiritual based family.[6]

Gehring sees the continuation of a similar pattern in the Post-Easter use of houses as a base for the Jerusalem church where meetings in the houses of wealthy patrons function parallel to meetings in the temple.[7] He demonstrates how several gatherings in houses exist at the same time in larger cities like Jerusalem, Corinth and Rome.[8] In some cases  like that of Mary in Jerusalem (Acts 12:12-17) and Philemon, the houses in which believers gathered seemed to be owned by people of reasonable wealth.[9]  As Campbell rightly remarks, Gehring's identification of other patrons like Pricilla and Aquilla as wealthy, is less convincing, though plausible. If they rented something like the excavated shops in Corinth with an area of approximately 27m2, we could imagine a gathering of about twenty believers.[10] More recent discussions seriously questioned the tendency to locate the gatherings of early Christians in affluent villa's like that excavated at Anaploga. Horrell might therefore be right in saying:

'NT studies should pay more attention to the varieties of domestic space in the urban setting of Corinth and other cities of the Roman empire, and consider these as possible settings for early Christian meetings.'[11]

Different shapes and sizes
Not too much is known about the character of many residential areas in the Roman Empire since excavations like that in Corinth largely focus on forum areas, temples and villa's. This is partly due to the fact that poorer housing tend to be constructed from poorer materials and leave less evidence. More humane reasons also play a role as  Horrel illustrates by quoting Ramsay MacMullen saying: ‘no one has sought fame through the excavation of a slum'.[12] One region where we have a broader picture of both urban and rural housing is that of the Levant.

Yzhar Hirschfeld combined research on rural dwellings in the Hebron Hills and references in rabbinical sources with information about archaeological finds to get a clearer picture of the Palestinian Dwellings in Roman-Byzantine times. Though he recognizes that identical houses are rarely found, he divides the dwellings into four categories: a) simple houses measuring between 20 m2 and 220 m2, mostly found in rural parts with a courtyard on the side; b) 'courtyard houses' found mostly in cities, measuring between 200-300m2 with a simple inner courtyard without columns; c) spacious 'peristyle houses' characterized by an inner courtyard surrounded by columns; d) complex houses, mostly in cities with a combination of several units around a courtyard. Many of these houses were two storied, the lower often used for domestic and workshop activities and the upper story as living quarters, sometimes including a triclinium used for social events.[13] There is even mention of three and five stories in rabbinical sources.[14] Access to roofs and upper stories were by means of wooden or stone staircases.[15] Though windows were often small, the so-called Tyrian windows were large with a rectangular frame.[16]

Though Hirschfeld's analysis could be supplemented by a more accurate classification of the different types of houses like that provided by Richardson[17], and we could imagine regional variations including more insulae in places like Corinth and Troas where the influence of Roman building styles seem larger[18], a greater awareness of the different styles of houses and the way in which such spaces could be utilized in various ways, might at least rid us of the images of an early house church having a cosy bible study in a living room while having a cup of tea on the night of Paul's visit to the church in Troas. It is important that in each case a range op optional settings need to be considered.

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Bibliography

Campbell. A. R., & Gehring, R. W. (January 01, 2007). House Church and Mission: The Importance of Household Structures in Early Christianity. By Roger W. Gehring. Journal of Theological Studies, 58, 2, 666-671.

Clarke, A. D. (January 01, 2008). Roger W. Gehring House Church and Mission: The Importance of Household Structures in Early Christianity The Evangelical Quarterly, 80, 4, 367.

Gehring, R. W. (2004). House church and mission: The importance of household structures in early Christianity. Peabody, Mass: Hendrickson Publishers.

Filson, F. V. (June 01, 1939). The Significance of the Early House Churches. Journal of Biblical Literature, 58, 2, 105-112.

Horrell, D.. G. (July 01, 1999). Domestic Space and Christian Meetings at Corinth: Imagining New Contexts and the Buildings East of the Theatre. New Testament Studies, 50, 3, 349-369.

Hirschfeld, Y. (1995). The Palestinian dwelling in the Roman-Byzantine period. Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press.

Richardson, P. (January 01, 2004). Towards a Typology of Levantine/Palestinian Houses. Journal for the Study of the New Testament, 27, 47-68.



[1] With the exception of a few books and landmark articles like that of Filson after the discovery of a house church in Dura Europos in 1939, not much has been written about the role of houses in the New Testament until the 1980's when interest in the role of the house church in the New Testament increased dramatically with publications by authors like D. Von Allmen, R. Banks, J.H. Elliot, D.C. Verner, H.J. Klauck and L.M. White and B.B. Blue. Gehring, R. W. (2004). House church and mission: The importance of household structures in early Christianity. Peabody, Mass: Hendrickson Publishers. p. 5-17.
[2] Gehring, R. W. (2004). p. 8.
[3] Filson, F. V. (June 01, 1939). The Significance of the Early House Churches. Journal of Biblical Literature, 58, 2, 109-112.
[4] Gehring, R. W. (2004). p. 22-23.
[5] Gehring, R. W. (2004). p. 28-61.
[6] Gehring, R. W. (2004). p. 61.
[7] Gehring, R. W. (2004). p. 117.
[8] Gehring, R. W. (2004). p. 71-75,142, 145.
[9] The house of Mary has a gateway πυλών and accomadate a large number ἱκανός of believers, praying. Also see Gehring's discussion on Philemon p. 154. Gehring, R. W. (2004). House church and mission: The importance of household structures in early Christianity. Peabody, Mass: Hendrickson Publishers. p. 73.
[10] Campbell. A. R., & Gehring, R. W. (January 01, 2007). House Church and Mission: The Importance of Household Structures in Early Christianity. By Roger W. Gehring. Journal of Theological Studies, 58, 2, p. 669. Gehring, R. W. (2004). p. 135-136.
[11] Horrel, D. G. (July 01, 1999). Domestic Space and Christian Meetings at Corinth: Imagining New Contexts and the Buildings East of the Theatre. New Testament Studies, 50, 3. p. 369.
[12] Horrel, D. G. (July 01, 1999). p. 360.
[13] Hirschfeld, Y. (1995). The Palestinian dwelling in the Roman-Byzantine period. Jerusalem: Franciscan Printing Press.p.102.
[14] Hirschfield  refers to T. Eruvin 8:3 , P.T. Baba Bathra 1,13a and M. Baba Bathra 1:5. Hirschfeld, Y. (1995). p.264, 286.
[15] Hirschfeld, Y. (1995). p.245-246.
[16] Hirschfeld, Y. (1995). p.256.
[17] Richardson, P. (January 01, 2004). Towards a Typology of Levantine/Palestinian Houses. Journal for the Study of the New Testament, 27, 56-58.
[18] Richardson, P. (January 01, 2004). 27, 61.